7. Slavic historical morphology: verbal system
7.1. PIE verbal dimensions
Post-Anatolian Proto-Indo-European had the following formally expressed verbal dimensions: aspect, tense–mood, voice, person–number (cf. Rix 1992: 190–194).
- aspect: present (imperfective), aorist (perfective), perfect
- tense–mood: indicative (present), preterite, injunctive, imperative, subjunctive, optative
- voice (diathesis): active, middle (mediopassive)
- person–number: first, second and third person; singular, dual and plural number
While Balto-Slavic preserve many of the verbal forms, the verbal system itself was restructured. Among the most important restructurings of Balto-Slavic and Slavic are the following:
- the PIE aspect distinction present vs. aorist vs. perfect (imperfective vs. perfective vs. perfect) disappears
- a new aspect distinction emerges: imperfective vs. perfective (see 6.7)
- Slavic shows no traces of the augment – Slavic preterite forms formally correspond to Indo-Iranian injunctive forms
- the preterite,, imperative and subjunctive disappear; the optative is repurposed as the imperative
- the middle voice is lost
Of the PIE perfect forms, only a single one, PIE pf.1sg *u̯ói̯d‑h₂а + *-i survives as OCS vědě ‘I know’, repurposed as a present.
All items of the person–number category are preserved in Balto-Slavic.
For the historical background of the Slavic aspects see Andersen (2009b).
7.2. The new imperfect
The inherited aorist and imperfect categories merged in Slavic as the aorist. However, at some pre-stage of Slavic a new imperfect category was created, expressed morphologically by a chain of suffixes: PS interfix *‑ē/∅‑, progressive ‑i̯ā‑, past *‑x/š‑, interfix *‑e/a‑ (the thematic vowel), person–number ending (Andersen 2013: 30–32).
It is likely that the interfix *‑ē‑ is identical with the Baltic past suffix *‑ē‑, e.g. Lith. pst.3ps něšė (inf nèšti ‘carry’), Lith. pst.3ps prãšė (inf prašýti ‘ask’).
The progressive suffix PS *‑i̯ā‑ is probably identical with the suffix *‑(i̯)ā‑ (CS *‑(j)a‑) used to derive imperfective verbs from perfective verbs (see 6.7).
The Common Slavic imperfect is preserved in OCS, Bulgarian, Macedonian, some varieties of BCMS, Upper Sorbian and Polabian.
7.3. The development of the verbal personal endings
| PIE | PBS | PS | CS | OCS | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1sg | primary | athem. | *‑mi | *‑mi | *esˈmi | *jèsmĭ | jesmĭ, jesmŭ |
| them. | *‑oh | *‑ō̰ | *ˌu̯edān | *vȅdǫ; *pišǫ̀ |
vedǫ; pišǫ |
||
| secondary | athem. | *‑m̥ | *‑am | *u̯ēˈsu | *vě́sŭ | věsŭ, vedoxŭ | |
| them. | *‑om | *‑am | *ˈsēdu | *sě̋dŭ | sědŭ | ||
| imperative | athem. | *‑i̯eh₁m̥ | – | – | – | – | |
| them. | *‑oi̯h₁m̥ | *-a̰i̯mi | *u̯edāi̯mi | *veděmĭ; ? |
otŭpaděmĭ; ? |
||
| 2sg | primary | athem. | *‑si | *‑si | *eˈsi, *eˈsī / *eˈsē̆i̯ | *jèsĭ, *jesì | jesi |
| them. | *‑esi | *‑esi | *u̯edeˈxi, *u̯edeˈxī / *u̯edeˈxē̆i̯ | *vedèšĭ, *vedešì; *píšešĭ, *píšeši |
vedeši; pišeši |
||
| secondary | athem. | *‑s | *‑s | *ˈbēi̯ / *ˈbī; *ˌmer; *ˌbū |
*bi̋; *mȇr; *by̑ |
bi; umrě, umrětŭ; by, bystŭ |
|
| them. | *‑es | *‑es | *ˈsēde, *ˌu̯ede | *sě̋de, *vȅde | sěde | ||
| imperative | athem. | *-i̯eh₁s | *-i̯ḛ̄s | *dādi̯i | *dadjĭ | daždĭ | |
| them. | *-oi̯h₁s | *-ai̯s | *u̯eˈdəi̯ | *vedì; *pišì |
vedi; piši |
||
| 3sg | primary | athem. | *‑ti | *‑ti | *esˈti | *jèstĭ | jestŭ, jestĭ (rare), je |
| them. | *‑eti | *‑eti | *u̯edeˈti | *vedètĭ; *píšetĭ |
vedetŭ, pridetĭ (rare), bǫde (rare);
pišetŭ, bĭjetĭ (rare), igraje (rare) |
||
| secondary | athem. | *‑d | *‑∅ | *ˈbēi̯ / *ˈbī; *ˌmer; *ˌbū | *bi̋; *mȇr; *by̑ | bi; umrě, umrětŭ; by, bystŭ |
|
| them. | *‑ed | *‑e | *ˈsēde, *ˌu̯ede | *sě̋de, *vȅde | sěde | ||
| imperative | athem. | *-i̯eh₁d | *-i̯ḛ̄ | *dādi̯i | *dadjĭ | daždĭ | |
| them. | *-oi̯h₁d | *-ai̯ | *u̯eˈdəi̯ | *vedì; *pišì |
vedi; piši |
||
| 1du | primary | athem. | *-u̯e/os | *-u̯ā̰ | *esu̯ā | *jesva, *jesvě | jesvě |
| them. | *-ou̯e/os | *-au̯ā̰ | *u̯edau̯ā | *vedeva, *vedevě; *píševa, *piševě |
vedevě; piševě |
||
| secondary | athem. | *-u̯ah₂ | *-u̯ā̰ | *u̯ēsau̯ā | *věsova, *věsově | věsově, vedoxově | |
| them. | *-ou̯ah₂ | *-au̯ā̰ | *sēdau̯ā | *sědova, *sědově | sědově | ||
| imperative | athem. | *‑ih₁u̯ah₂ | *-ḭ̄u̯ā̰ | *dādīu̯ā | *dadiva, *dadivě | dadivě | |
| them. | *-oi̯h₁u̯ah₂ | *-ō̰i̯u̯ā̰ | *u̯edāi̯u̯ā | *veděva, *veděvě; *pišiva, *pišivě |
veděvě; pišivě |
||
| 2du | primary | athem. | *-th₁es | *-tā̰ | *estā | *jesta | jesta |
| them. | *-eth₁es | *-etā̰ | *u̯edetā | *vedeta; *pišeta |
vedeta; pišeta |
||
| secondary | athem. | *‑tom | *-tā̰ | *u̯ēstā | *věsta | věsta, vedosta | |
| them. | *‑etom | *-etā̰ | *sēdetā | *sědeta | sědeta | ||
| imperative | athem. | *‑ih₁tom | *-ḭ̄tā̰ | *dādītā | *dadita | dadita | |
| them. | *‑oi̯h₁tom | *-a̰i̯tā̰ | *u̯edāi̯tā | *veděta; *pišita |
veděta; pišita |
||
| 3du | primary | athem. | *-tes | *-tes | *este | *jeste | jeste, jesta |
| them. | *-etes | *-etes | *u̯edete | *vedete; *pišete |
vedete, vedeta; pišete, pišeta |
||
| secondary | athem. | *-tah₂m | *-tes | *u̯ēste | *věste | věste, věsta, vedoste, vedosta | |
| them. | *-etah₂m | *-etes | *sēdete | *sědete | sědete, sědeta | ||
| imperative | athem. | *‑ih₁tah₂m | – | – | – | – | |
| them. | *‑oi̯h₁tah₂m | – | – | – | – | ||
| 1pl | primary | athem. | *‑mos | *‑mas | *esˈmə | *jèsmŭ, *jesmè, *jesmò | jesmŭ |
| them. | *-ómos | *‑amas | *u̯edaˈmə | *vedèmŭ, *vedemè, *vedemò;
*píšemŭ, *píšeme, *píšemo |
vedemŭ; pišemŭ |
||
| secondary | athem. | *-me | *-me | *u̯ēsame | *věsomŭ, *věsome, *věsomo | *věsomŭ, *vedoxomŭ | |
| them. | *-ome | *-ame | *ˈsēdame | *sě̋domŭ, *sě̋dome, *sě̋domo | sědomŭ | ||
| imperative | athem. | *-ih₁me | *-ḭ̄me | *dādīme | *dadimŭ, *dadime, *dadimo | dadimŭ | |
| them. | *-oi̯h₁me | *-a̰i̯me | *u̯eˈdāi̯me | *vedě̋mŭ, *vedě̋me, *vedě̋mo;
*piši̋mŭ, *piši̋me, *piši̋mo |
*veděmŭ; pišimŭ |
||
| 2pl | primary | athem. | *-th₁e | *-te | *esˈte | *jestè | jeste |
| them. | *-eth₁e | *-ete | *u̯edeˈte | *vedetè; *píšete |
vedete; pišete |
||
| secondary | athem. | *-te | *-te | *u̯ēste | *věste | věste, vedoste | |
| them. | *-ete | *-ete | *ˈsēdete | *sě̋dete | sědete | ||
| imperative | athem. | *-ih₁te | *-ḭ̄te | *dādīte | *dadi̋te | dadite | |
| them. | *-oi̯h₁te | *-a̰i̯te | *u̯eˈdāi̯te | *vedě̋te; *piši̋te |
veděte; pišite |
||
| 3pl | primary | athem. | *-enti, *-n̥ti | *-enti, *-inti | *sanˈti, *dāˈde/inti | *sǫ́tĭ, *dádętĭ | sǫtŭ; dadętŭ |
| them. | *-onti | *-anti | *u̯edanˈti | *vedǫ́tĭ; *píšǫtĭ |
vedǫtŭ; pišǫtŭ |
||
| secondary | athem. | *-end, *-n̥d | *-in | *u̯ēsen | *věsę | věsę, vedošę | |
| them. | *-ond | *-an | *ˈsēdan | *sě̋dǫ | sědǫ | ||
| imperative | athem. | – | – | – | – | – | |
| them. | *-ond | *-an | *ˈbūndan | *bǫ̋dǫ | bǫdǫ |
7.4. Infinite forms
Participles: The PIE participial formations are generally well preserved in CS and OCS. Table 47 shows the correspondences between the OCS and PIE participles (OCS nes-ti ‘carry’, prs nes-ǫ; OCS ję-ti ‘take’, prs jĭm-ǫ).
| stem | nom.sg.m | nom.sg.f | PIE base | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| prs.act.ptcp | nes-ǫšt- | nes-y | nes-ǫšt-i | prs.act.ptcp *-ont- |
| prs.pass.ptcp | nes-om- | nes-om-ŭ | nes-om-a | probably prs.pass.ptcp *-mh₁no- |
| pst.act.ptcp I | nes-ŭš- | nes-ŭ | nes-ŭš-i | pf.act.ptcp *-u̯ōs, *-u̯ot-, *-us- |
| pst.act.ptcp II | nes-l- | nes-l-ŭ | nes-l-a | adjective formation in *-lo- |
| pst.pass.ptcp | nes-en- | nes-en-ŭ | nes-en-a | adjective formation in *-no- |
| ję-t- | ję-t-ŭ | ję-t-a | to-participle |
The present passive participle OCS nesomŭ is identical with Lith. nẽšamas and is likely to reflect PIE *-mh₁no-, also found in Gk. ‑μενο‑ etc. (Nowak 2017).
For the past passive participle cf. Goth. bundans.
The most important formal change is that – outside the masculine–neutre nominative singular – the stems of the present and past active participles are based on the original feminine allomorph: PIE prs.act.ptcp *‑ont‑i̯‑ > PBS *‑anti̯‑ > PS *‑anti̯‑ (CS *‑ǫtʲ‑) > OCS ‑ǫšt‑; PIE pst.act.ptcp *‑us‑i̯‑ > PBS *‑uši̯‑ > PS *‑uxi̯‑ (CS *‑ŭš‑) > OCS ‑ŭš‑. This innovation is shared with Baltic, cf. the active participles formed from OCS nesti ‘carry’ and Lith. nèšti ‘carry’:
- OCS prs.act.ptcp.gen.sg.m/n nesǫšta and Lith. prs.act.ptcp.gen.sg.m nẽšančio, both from PBS *‑anti̯‑
- OCS pst.act.ptcp.gen.sg.m/n nesŭša and Lith. pst.act.ptcp.gen.sg.m nẽšusio, both from PBS *‑uši̯‑
Infinitive: The Common Slavic infinitive marker *-ti may reflect PS *-tī or *-tē̆i. Since the Slavic infinitive marker is underlyingly accented, it is most likely that it corresponds to the locative singular (not the dative singular) of an i-stem, i.e. PS *-tēi̯ < PBS *-tēi̯ < PIE *-t-ēi̯ – because the i-stem locative singular is also accented in Slavic, e.g. PS loc.sg *nakˈtēi̯ (CS *notʲì), as opposed to dat.sg *ˌnaktei̯ (CS *nȍtʲi) with non-final accentuation.
Supine: The Common Slavic supine marker *-tŭ < PS *-tu < PBS *-tum, is originally the accusative singular of a tu-stem (Ved. inf -tum and Lat. sup -tu). East Baltic also uses this form as a supine, e.g. Lith. vèstų and Latv. dial. ȩ̂stu, while in West Baltic (Old Prussian) the form is used as an infinitive, e.g. boūton ‘be’.