4. Morphology: the OCS nominal system
4.1. Nouns
4.1.1. Nominal inflectional categories
Like Common Slavic and Proto-Slavic, OCS had three nominal inflectional categories: case (nominative, accusative, genitive, dative, instrumental, locative and a vocative form), number (singular, dual and plural) and gender (masculine, feminine and neuter).
Nouns have an inherent gender and are inflected for case and number. Adjectives, non-personal pronouns and certain numerals are inflected for case, number and gender. Personal pronouns are inflected for case.
This section presents a series of tables showing the nominal inflectional paradigms of OCS. They have been adapted from Vaillant (1964). Words in parentheses are from non-canonical Church Slavonic texts (cf. 1.4.1).
4.1.2. Masculine o- and jo-stems
The vowel palatalisations (3.4.2) caused the masculine o- and jo-stems to split in two different paradigms, shown in Table 14. Example words: gradŭ m ‘city’; člověkŭ m ‘man’; mǫžĭ m ‘man’; otĭcĭ m ‘father’.
| gradŭ m ‘city’ | člověkŭ m ‘man’ | mǫžĭ m ‘man’ | otĭcĭ m ‘father’ | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| singular | ||||
| nom | gradŭ | člověkŭ | mǫžĭ | otĭcĭ |
| acc | gradŭ | člověka | mǫža | otĭca |
| gen | grada | člověka | mǫža | otĭca |
| dat | gradu | člověku | mǫžu | otĭcu |
| instr | gradomĭ | člověkomĭ | mǫžemĭ | otĭcemĭ |
| loc | gradě | člověcě | mǫži | otĭci |
| voc | grade | člověčě | mǫžu | otĭče |
| dual | ||||
| nom–acc | grada | člověka | mǫža | otĭca |
| gen–loc | gradu | člověku | mǫžu | otĭcu |
| dat–instr | gradoma | člověkoma | mǫžema | otĭcema |
| plural | ||||
| nom | gradi | člověci | mǫži | otĭci |
| acc | grady | člověky | mǫžę | otĭcę |
| gen | gradŭ | člověkŭ | mǫžĭ | otĭci |
| dat | gradomŭ | člověkomŭ | mǫžemŭ | otĭcemŭ |
| instr | grady | člověky | mǫži | otĭci |
| loc | graděxŭ | člověcěxŭ | mǫžixŭ | otĭcixŭ |
As illustrated by člověkǔ, the voc.sg of masculine o-stems shows the effects of the First Palatalisation (3.4.1), and the loc.sg, nom.pl and loc.pl show the effects of the Second Palatalisation (3.4.4).
4.1.3. Masculine u-stems
A recessive inflection in OCS – and in the other Slavic languages – is the u-stem paradigm, which was conflated with the o-stem paradigm. A fwe nouns appear more often with u-stem endings: volŭ ‘ox’, domŭ ‘house’, polŭ ‘half’, vrŭxŭ ‘top’, rędŭ ‘succession; order’ and, to a lesser degree, činŭ ‘row; order’, medŭ ‘honey’, sanŭ ‘rank; office’, udŭ ‘limb; body part’, darŭ ‘present’ (Vaillant 1964: 91). Table 15 shows the ideal inflection of an u-stem; in practice, however, many of the forms were substituted by o-stem forms, e.g. gen.sg syna. Example word: synŭ m ‘son’.
| synŭ m ‘son’ | |
|---|---|
| singular | |
| nom | synŭ |
| acc | synŭ |
| gen | synu |
| dat | synovi |
| instr | synomĭ |
| loc | synu |
| voc | synu |
| dual | |
| nom–acc | syny |
| gen–loc | synovu |
| dat–instr | synŭma |
| plural | |
| nom | synove |
| acc | syny |
| gen | synovŭ |
| dat | synomŭ |
| instr | synŭmi |
| loc | synoxŭ |
4.1.4. Neuter o- and jo-stems
Neuter o- and jo--stems also had different inflections due to the vowel palatalisations (3.4.2). The paradigms are shown in Table 16. Example words: město n ‘place’; srŭdĭce n ‘heart’; znamenije n ‘sign’.
| město n ‘place’ | srŭdĭce n ‘heart’ | znamenije n ‘sign’ | |
|---|---|---|---|
| singular | |||
| nom–acc | město | srŭdĭce | znamenije |
| gen | města | srŭdĭca | znamenija |
| dat | městu | srŭdĭcu | znameniju |
| instr | městomĭ | srŭdĭcemĭ | znamenijemĭ |
| loc | městě | srŭdĭci | znamenii |
| dual | |||
| nom–acc | městě | srŭdĭci | znamenii |
| gen–loc | městu | srŭdĭcu | znameniju |
| dat–instr | městoma | srŭdĭcema | znamenijema |
| plural | |||
| nom–acc | města | srŭdĭca | znamenija |
| gen | městŭ | srŭdĭcĭ | znamenii |
| dat | městomŭ | srŭdĭcemŭ | znamenijemŭ |
| instr | městy | srŭdĭci | znamenii |
| loc | městěxŭ | srŭdĭcixŭ | znameniixŭ |
Neuter o-stems ending in a velar, e.g. mlěko n ‘milk’, show the effects of the Second Palatalisation (3.4.4) in the loc.sg (mlěcě), nom–acc.du and loc.pl.
4.1.5. Feminine (masculine) a- and ja-stems
OCS a- and ja-stems were prevailingly feminine, but a few nouns were masculine, e.g. sluga ‘servant’, junoša ‘boy’, sǫdii ‘judge’. Due to the Common Slavic vowel palatalisations (3.4.2) the inflection of ja-stems differed from that of the ah₂-stems. The paradigms are shown in Table 17. Examples words: žena f ‘woman; wife’; duša f ‘soul’; sǫdii m ‘judge’.
| žena f ‘woman; wife’ | duša f ‘soul’ | sǫdii m ‘judge’ | |
|---|---|---|---|
| singular | |||
| nom | žena | duša | sǫdi(i) |
| acc | ženǫ | dušǫ | sǫdijǫ |
| gen | ženy | dušę | sǫdijǫ |
| dat | ženě | duši | sǫdii |
| instr | ženojǫ | dušejǫ | sǫdijejǫ |
| loc | ženě | duši | sǫdii |
| voc | ženo | duše | sǫdi(i) |
| dual | |||
| nom–acc | ženě | duši | sǫdii |
| gen–loc | ženu | dušu | sǫdiju |
| dat–instr | ženama | dušama | sǫdijama |
| plural | |||
| nom | ženy | dušę | sǫdiję |
| acc | ženy | dušę | sǫdiję |
| gen | ženŭ | dušĭ | sǫdii |
| dat | ženamŭ | dušamŭ | sǫdijamŭ |
| instr | ženami | dušami | sǫdijami |
| loc | ženaxŭ | dušaxŭ | sǫdijaxŭ |
Stems ending in a velar, e.g. ruka f ‘hand’, show the effects of the Second Palatalisation (3.4.4) in the dat.sg (rucě), the loc.sg (rucě) and the nom–acc.du (rucě).
4.1.6. Feminine (masculine) ĭ-stems
In OCS, i-stem nouns were usually feminine, but a few masculines are found as well (see Vaillant 1964: 101–102). The inflection can be seen in Table 18. Examples words: kostĭ f ‘bone’; pǫtĭ m ‘road’.
| kostĭ f ‘bone’ | pǫtĭ m ‘road’ | |
|---|---|---|
| singular | ||
| nom–acc | kostĭ | pǫtĭ |
| gen | kosti | pǫti |
| dat | kosti | pǫti |
| instr | kostijǫ | pǫtemĭ, (‑ĭmĭ) |
| loc | kosti | pǫti |
| voc | kosti | pǫti |
| dual | ||
| nom–acc | kosti | pǫti |
| gen–loc | kostiju | pǫtiju |
| dat–instr | kostĭma | pǫtĭma |
| plural | ||
| nom | kosti | pǫtije |
| acc | kosti | pǫti |
| gen | kostii | pǫtii |
| dat | kostemŭ | pǫtemŭ (‑ĭmŭ) |
| instr | dŭšterĭmi | pǫtĭmi |
| loc | kostexŭ | pǫtexŭ (‑ĭxŭ) |
The inflection of masculine consonant stems is shown in Table 19. Examples words: dĭnĭ m ‘day’; korenĭ m ‘root’; kamenĭ m ‘stone’; jelenĭ m ‘stag’; sęžĭnĭ m/f? ‘fathom’; stepenĭ m ‘degree; step’.
| dĭnĭ m ‘day’ | korenĭ m ‘root’ | |
|---|---|---|
| singular | ||
| nom–acc | dĭnĭ | korenĭ (korę); kamenĭ, kamy |
| gen | dĭne, ‑i | korene, ‑i |
| dat | dĭni | koreni |
| instr | dĭnemĭ, ‑ĭmĭ | kamenemĭ |
| loc | dĭne, ‑i | korene, ‑i |
| dual | ||
| nom–acc | dĭni | jeleni |
| gen–loc | dĭnu, ‑dĭniju | jeleniju |
| dat–instr | (dĭnĭma) | jelenĭma |
| plural | ||
| nom | dĭne, dĭnije | (jelene, ‑nije) |
| acc | dĭni | jeleni |
| gen | dĭnŭ, dĭnii | (jelenii, sęženŭ) |
| dat | dĭnemŭ, ‑ĭmŭ | jelenemŭ |
| instr | dĭny, dĭnĭmi | (stepenexŭ) |
| dat | dĭnexŭ, ‑ĭxŭ | jelenemŭ |
The inflection of neuter consonant stems can be seen in Table 20. Examples words: imę n ‘name’; nebo n ‘sky’; tělo n ‘body’.
| imę n ‘name’ | nebo n ‘sky’ | |
|---|---|---|
| singular | ||
| nom–acc | imę | nebo |
| gen | imene, ‑ni | nebese, ‑si |
| dat | imeni | nebesi |
| instr | imenemĭ, ‑ĭmĭ | nebesemĭ, ‑ĭmĭ |
| loc | imeni, ‑ne | nebese, ‑si |
| dual | ||
| nom–acc | imeně, ‑ni | tělesě, ‑si |
| gen–loc | tělesu | |
| dat–instr | (tělesĭma) | |
| plural | ||
| nom–acc | imena | nebesa |
| gen | imenŭ | (nebesŭ) |
| dat | imenemŭ | nebesemŭ |
| instr | imeny | nebesy |
| loc | imenexŭ | nebesemŭ |
Table 21 shows the inflection of feminine consonant stems. Examples words: mati f ‘mother’; dŭšti f ‘daughter’; crŭky f ‘church’; neplody f ‘infertile woman’.
| mati f ‘mother’ | crŭky f ‘church’ | |
|---|---|---|
| singular | ||
| nom | mati | crŭky |
| acc | materĭ, ‑re | crŭkŭvĭ, ‑ve |
| gen | matere, ‑ri | crŭkŭve, ‑vi |
| dat | materi | crŭkŭvi |
| instr | materijǫ, ‑rĭjǫ | crŭkŭvijǫ, ‑vĭjǫ |
| loc | dŭšteri | crŭkŭve, ‑vi |
| voc | mati | (neplody) |
| dual | ||
| nom–acc | (dŭšteri) | |
| gen–loc | (dŭšteriju) | |
| dat–instr | (dŭšterĭma) | |
| plural | ||
| nom–acc | materi | crŭkŭvia |
| gen | materŭ, ‑rii | crŭkŭvŭ |
| dat | materemŭ | crŭkŭvamŭ |
| instr | dŭšterĭmi | (crŭkŭvami) |
| loc | materexŭ | crŭkŭvaxŭ |
4.2. Adjectives
OCS adjectives have two different forms, a shorter one denoting indefiniteness, and a long one denoting definiteness. In the masculine, neuter and feminine the short forms are inflected like masculine o-stems (4.1.2), neuter o-stems (4.1.4) and feminine a-stems (4.1.5) respectively. If the stem ends in a palatalised consonant, the adjective is inflected like the corresponding jo- and a-stems.
The long forms, by contrast, have a paradigm of their own, shown in Table 22.
| masculine | neuter | feminine | |
|---|---|---|---|
| singular | |||
| nom | novyi, ‑y, ‑oi | novoje | novaja |
| acc | (= nom or gen) | novoje | novǫjǫ |
| gen | novaago, novago, ‑ajego | novyję | |
| dat | novuumu, novumu, ‑ujemu | nověi | |
| instr | novyimĭ, novymĭ | novǫjǫ | |
| loc | novějemĭ, nověmĭ, nověěmĭ, nověamĭ | nověi | |
| dual | |||
| nom–acc | novaja | nověi | nověi |
| gen–loc | novuju | ||
| dat–instr | novyima, novyma | ||
| plural | |||
| nom | novii | novaja | novyję |
| acc | novy | novaja | novyję |
| gen | novyixŭ, novyxŭ | ||
| dat | novyimŭ, novymŭ | ||
| instr | novyimi, novymi | ||
| loc | novyixŭ, novyxŭ | ||
4.3. Pronouns: gendered
Like the short adjectives (4.2), the inflection of gendered pronouns follows that of o-/jo-stem and a-/ja-stem nouns in the nominative and accusative; the remaining cases have an interfix ‑oj‑ / ě. Table 23 shows the inflection of the demonstrative pronoun tŭ.
| masculine | neuter | feminine | |
|---|---|---|---|
| singular | |||
| nom | tŭ | to | ta |
| acc | (= nom or gen) | to | tǫ |
| gen | togo | toję | |
| dat | tomu | toi | |
| instr | těmĭ | tojǫ | |
| loc | tomĭ | toi | |
| dual | |||
| nom–acc | ta | tě | tě |
| gen–loc | toju | ||
| dat–instr | těma | ||
| plural | |||
| nom | ti | ta | ty |
| acc | ty | ta | ty |
| gen | těxŭ | ||
| dat | těmŭ | ||
| instr | těmi | ||
| loc | těxŭ | ||
4.4. Pronouns: personal and reflexive
The inflection of the first-person personal pronouns is to some extent syncretic, with the nominative form being markedly distinct from the other forms (sg azŭ vs. m‑; du vě vs. n‑; pl my vs. n‑). The inflection of the personal pronouns is shown in tbl:inflection-of-personal-pronouns-and-reflexive.
| first person | second person | reflexive | |
|---|---|---|---|
| singular | |||
| nom | azŭ | ty | |
| acc | mę, mene | tę, tebe | sę, sebe |
| gen | mene | tebe | sebe |
| dat | mĭně, mi | tebě, ti | sebě, si |
| instr | mŭnojǫ | tobojǫ | sobojǫ |
| loc | mĭně | tebě | sebě |
| dual | |||
| nom | vě | va, vy | |
| acc | na, ny | va, vy | |
| gen–loc | naju | vaju | |
| dat–instr | nama, (dat na) | vama, dat va | |
| plural | |||
| nom | my | vy | |
| acc | ny, nasŭ | vy, vasŭ | |
| gen | nasŭ | vasŭ | |
| dat | namŭ, ny | vamŭ | |
| instr | nami | vami | |
| loc | nasŭ | vasŭ | |