5. Slavic historical morphology: nominal system
5.1. General
For detailed of the historical background of Slavic nominal inflection see Olander (2015), Ch. 3.
Balto-Slavic is generally very conservative from a morphological perspective, especially in the nominal inflection. The Balto-Slavic verbal system preserves many forms, but the system has been restructured.
In the oldest transmitted Slavic (as in Lithuanian) all the PIE cases except the ablative are preserved, i.e. nominative, accusative, genitive, dative, instrumental and locative, plus the vocative, which is perhaps better seen as a derived form (Andersen 2012).
Modern Bulgarian and Macedonian have lost the case system in nouns; pronouns have nominative, accusative and genitive–dative forms.
Proto-Balto-Slavic and Proto-Slavic preserve all three numbers of PIE: singular, dual, plural. Among the modern Slavic languages only Slovene, Lower Sorbian and Upper Sorbian preserve the dual category. The other languages preserve original dual forms, but not the dual category as such. Likewise, in modern standard Lithuanian, Latvian and Old Prussian the dual has disappeared, but the dual category is preserved in Old Lithuanian and in Lithuanian dialects.
The three genders of Proto-Core IE – masculine, feminine and neuter – are preserved in Proto-Balto-Slavic and Proto-Slavic. In Baltic the East Baltic languages (Lithuanian and Latvian) have lost the neuter, neuter nouns becoming masculine; the neuter is preserved in Old Prussian.
- OCS jezero n ‘lake’, OPr. assaran n ‘lake’; cf. Lith. ẽžeras m ‘lake’, Latv. ȩzȩrs m ‘lake’
From a formal point of view, Proto-Balto-Slavic and Proto-Slavic had five basic noun paradigms: o-, u-, ah₂-, i- and consonant-stems (in PIE terms), with further sub-paradigms governed by gender. Moreover, the Common Slavic vowel palatalisations (3.4.2) lead to a split of the o-stems into o-stems and jo-stems (4.1.2; 4.1.4), and of the ah₂-stems into a-stems and ja-stems (4.1.5).
5.2. Consonant stems
PIE feminine r-stems (e.g. *dʰugh₂tér- ‘daughter’) and neuter n-stems (e.g. *u̯értmen- ‘turning’) have the following reflexes in Baltic and Slavic.
| PIE | PBS | Lith. | PS | CS | OCS | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| singular | ||||||
| nom.m–f | *-ēr | *-ēr | duktė̃ | *dukˈtī | *dŭtjì | dŭšti |
| nom–acc.n | *-n̥ | *-in | OPr. semen | *u̯ermin | *vermę | vrěmę |
| acc.m–f | *-m̥ | *‑im | dùkterį | *ˌdukteri | *dŭ̏tjerĭ | dŭšterĭ |
| gen–abl | *-e/os (*‑s) | *-es | dukter̃s; OLith. dukterés | *duktere | *dŭtjere | dŭštere, dŭšteri |
| dat | *-ei̯ | *-ei̯ | dùkteriai | *dukterei̯ | *dŭtjeri | dŭšteri |
| instr | *-eh₁, *‑h₁ | *-mi | dukterimì | *duktermi | *dŭtjerĭjǫ | dŭšterĭjǫ |
| loc | *-∅, *-i | *-i | dukteryjè | *dukteri | *dŭtjere | dŭštere, dŭšteri |
| dual | ||||||
| nom–acc.m–f | *-h₁e | *-e | dùkteri; OLith. n-st. (du) żmûne | *dukterī | *dŭtjeri | dŭšteri |
| nom–acc.n | *-ih₁ | *-ḭ̄ | f akì | *u̯ermenī | *vermeni | vrěmeni |
| gen | *‑HoHs | *-ā̆u̯ | – | *dukterā̆u̯ | *dŭtjeru | dŭšteru, ‑iju |
| loc | *-Hou̯ | |||||
| dat–abl–instr | *-bʰi̯ah₂ | *‑imā̰ | dat akmenìm; instr akmenim̃ | *dukterimā | *dŭtjerĭma | dŭšterĭma |
| plural | ||||||
| nom.m–f | *-es | *-es | dùkterys, OLith. dúktęręs | *duktere | *dŭtjere | dŭšteri, n-st. dĭne |
| nom–acc.n | *(-V̄R)-∅, *(‑VC)-h₂ | *-ḭ̄ | – | *u̯ermenā | *vermena | vrěmena |
| acc.m–f | *-m̥s | *-ins | dùkteris | *ˌdukterī | *dŭ̏tjerì | dŭšteri |
| gen | *‑(H)om | *-am | dukterų̃ | *dukteru | *dŭtjerŭ | dŭšterŭ |
| dat–abl | *‑bʰi̯os | *-mas | dukterìms | *duktermə | *dŭtjerĭmŭ | dŭšteremŭ, n-st. kamenĭmŭ |
| instr | *‑bʰi(H)s | *-mḭ̄š | dukterimìs; OLith. akmemis | *duktermī | *dŭtjerĭmi | dŭšterĭmi |
| loc | *-su | *-su | dukterysè | *dukterxu | *dŭtjerĭxŭ | dŭšterexŭ, n-st. kamenĭxŭ |
5.3. i-stems
The PIE i-stems have the following reflexes in Baltic and Slavic.
| PIE | PBS | Lith. | PS | CS | OCS | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| singular | ||||||
| nom.m–f | *-is | *-iš | mintìs | *ˌgasti | *gȍstĭ | gostĭ |
| acc | *-im | *-im | miñtį | *ˌgasti | *gȍstĭ | gostĭ |
| gen–abl | *-ei̯s | *-ei̯š | mintiẽs | *ˌgastei | *gȍsti | gosti |
| dat | *-ei̯ | *-ei̯ | f miñčiai; m žvė́riui; dial. ãvie | *ˌgastei̯ | *gȍsti | gosti |
| instr | *-ih₁, *-i̯eh₁ | *-imi | minitimì | *gastiˈmi | m *gostĭ̀mi; f *kostĭjǫ̀ | m gostĭmĭ; f kostĭjǫ |
| loc | *-ēi̯ | *-ēi̯ | mintyjè | *gastˈēi̯ | *gostì | gosti |
| voc. | *-ei̯ | *-ei̯ | mintiẽ | *ˌgastei̯ | *gȍsti | gosti |
| dual | ||||||
| nom–acc.m–f | *-ih₁ | *-ḭ̄ | mintì | *ˌgastī | *gȍsti | gosti |
| gen | *-iHoHs | *-ii̯au̯ | – | *gastii̯au̯ | *gostii̯au̯ | gostĭju |
| loc *-iHou̯ | ||||||
| dat–abl–instr | *-ibʰi̯ah₂ | *-imā̰ | dat mintìm; instr mintim̃ | *gastimā | *gostĭmā | gostĭma |
| plural | ||||||
| nom.m–f | *-ei̯es | *-es | miñtys | *ˌgastei̯e | m *gȍstĭje; f *kȍstĭ | m gostĭje; f kostĭ |
| acc | *-ims | *-ins | mintìs | *ˌgastī | *gȍstĭ | gosti |
| gen | *‑ei̯(H)om, *-i̯om / *iHom | *‑ei̯am, *‑i̯am | minčių̃ | *gasteˈi̯u | *gostĭ̀ji | gostii |
| dat–abl | *-ibʰi̯o s | *‑imas | mintìms | *gastiˈmə | *gostĭ̀mŭ | gostĭmŭ |
| instr | *‑ibʰi(H)s | *‑imḭ̄š | mintimìs | *gastiˈmī | *gostĭmì | gostĭmi |
| loc | *-isu | *‑išu | mintysè; dial. akisù | *gastiˈxu | *gostĭ̀xŭ | gostĭxŭ |
5.4. u-stems
| PIE | PBS | Lith. | PS | CS | OCS | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| singular | ||||||
| nom.m-f | *-us | *-uš | sūnùs | *ˌsūnu | *sy̑nŭ | synŭ |
| acc | *-um | *-um | sū́nų | * ˌsūnu | *sy̑nŭ | synŭ |
| gen–abl | *-eu̯s | *-au̯š | sūnaũs | * ˌsūnau̯ | *sy̑nu | synu |
| dat | *-eu̯ei̯ | *-au̯ei̯ | sū́nui | *sūnaˈu̯ei̯ | *synovì | synovi |
| instr | *-uh₁, *-u̯eh₁ | *-umi | sūnumì | *sūnuˈmi | *synŭ̀mi | |
| loc | *-eu̯i, *-ēu̯ | *-āu̯ | sūnujè | *sūˈnāu̯ | *synù | synu |
| voc. | *-eu̯ | *-au̯ | sūnaũ | *ˌsūnāu̯ | *sy̑nu | synu |
| dual | ||||||
| nom–acc.m–f | *-uh₁ | *-ṵ̄ | sū́nu | *ˌsūnū | *sy̑ny | synu |
| gen | *-uHoHs | *-uu̯au̯ | – | *sūnau̯au̯ | *synovu | synovu |
| loc | *-uHou̯ | |||||
| dat–abl–instr | *‑ubʰi̯ah₂ | *-umā̰ | dat sūnùm; instr sūnum̃ | *sūnumā | *synŭma | synŭma |
| plural | ||||||
| nom.m–f | *-eu̯es | *-eu̯es | sū́nus; dial. sū̃naus | *ˌsūnau̯e | *sy̑nove | synove |
| acc | *-ums | *-uns | sū́nus | *ˌsūnū | *sy̑ny | syny |
| gen | *‑eu̯(H)om, *-u̯om / *uHom | *-au̯am, *‑u̯am | sūnų̃ | *sūnaˈu̯u | *sy̑nòvŭ | synovŭ |
| dat–abl | *-ubʰi̯os | *-umas | sūnùms | *sūnuˈmə | *synŭ̀mŭ | synomŭ; OESl. synŭmŭ |
| instr | *‑ubʰi(H)s | *-umḭ̄š | sūnumìs; | *sūnuˈmī | *synŭmì | synŭmi |
| loc | *-usu | *-ušu | sūnuosè | *sūnuˈxu | *synŭ̀xŭ | synoxŭ; OESl. synŭxŭ |
5.5. ah₂-stems
The PIE ah₂-stems are preserved in Proto-Balto-Slavic and Proto-Slavic. Like the o-stems (5.6), with the vowel palatalisations (3.4.2) the ah₂-stems split into two paradigms in Common Slavic, the a-stems proper and the ja-stems (4.1.5).
PIE devī́ stems have preserved an independent form in the nominative singular, but otherwise became incorporated into the *i̯ah₂-stems.
The PIE ah₂-stems have the following reflexes in Baltic and Slavic.
| PIE | PBS | Lith. | PS | CS | OCS | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| singular | ||||||
| nom | *-ah₂ | *-ā̰ | galvà | *naˈgā | *nogà; *dušà | glava; duša |
| nom (*-ih₂) | *-ih₂ | *-ḭ̄ | patì | *baˈgūni̯ī | *bogy̋ńi | bogyńi |
| acc | *‑ah₂m̥, *‑ah₂m | *-ām | gálvą | *ˌnagān | *nȍgǫ; *dȗšǫ | glavǫ; dušǫ |
| gen–abl | *-ah₂s | *-ā̰s | galvõs | *naˈgə̄ | *nogỳ||ě̀; *dušě̀ | glavy; dušę |
| dat | *-ah₂ai̯ | *-āi̯ | gálvai | *ˌnagāi̯ | *nȍg||ʒě; *dȗši | glavě; duši |
| instr | *-ah₂(a)h₁ | *-ā̰N | gálva | *nagān | *nogǫ, *nogojǫ̀; *dušǫ, *dušejǫ̀ | glavǫ, glavojǫ; dušǫ, dušejǫ |
| loc | *-ah₂i, *‑ah₂i̯ | *-ā̰i̯ | galvojè | *naˈgāi̯ | *nog||ʒè̌; *dušì | glavě; duši |
| voc. | *-a | *-a | gálva | *ˌnaga | *nȍgo; *dȗše | glavo; duše |
| dual | ||||||
| nom–acc | *-ah₂ih₁ | *-a̰i̯ | gálvi | *ˌnagāi̯ | *nȍg||ʒě; *dȗši | glavě; duši |
| gen | *-ah₂HoHs | *-āu̯ | – | *nagāu̯ | *nogu; *dušu | glavu; dušu |
| loc | *-ah₂Hou̯ | |||||
| dat–abl–instr | *‑ah₂bʰi̯ah₂ | *-ā̰mā̰ | dat galvóm; instr galvõm |
*naˈgāmā | *noga̋ma; *duša̋ma | galvama; dušama |
| plural | ||||||
| nom | *-ah₂as | *-ās | gálvos | *ˌnagə̄ | *nȍgy||ě; *dȗšě | galvy; dušę |
| acc | *-ah₂m̥s | *-āns | gálvas | *ˌnagə̄n | *nȍgy||ě; *dȗšę||ě | glavy; dušę |
| gen | *‑ah₂(H)om | *-ōm | galvų̃ | *naˈgu | *nògŭ; *dúšĭ | glavŭ; dušĭ |
| dat–abl | * -ah₂bʰi̯os | *-ā̰mas | galvóms | *naˈgāmə | *noga̋mŭ; *duša̋mŭ | glavamŭ; dušamŭ |
| instr | *‑ah₂bʰi(H)s | *-ā̰mḭ̄š | galvomìs | *naˈgāmī | *noga̋mi; *duša̋mi | glavami; dušami |
| loc | *-ah₂su | *-ā̰su | galvosè | *naˈgāxu | *noga̋xŭ; *duša̋xŭ | glavaxŭ; dušaxŭ |
5.6. o-stems
The Indo-European o-stems have the following reflexes in Baltic and Slavic.
| PIE | PBS | Lith. | PS | CS | OCS | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| singular | ||||||
| nom.m | *-os | *-as | lángas | *ˌtakə | *tȍkŭ||e; *gȍjĭ | plodŭ; konjĭ |
| nom–acc.n | pron. *‑od (subst. *‑om) | pron. *-a | šálta | *ˌsuta | *sŭ̏to; *pȍlje | město; polje |
| acc.m | *-om | *ˌ-am | lángą | *ˌtaku | *tȍkŭ; *gȍjĭ | gradŭ; konjĭ |
| abl → gen | *-ah₂ad | *-ā | lángo | *ˌtakā | *tȍka; *gȍja | grada; konja |
| dat | *-oei̯ | *-ōi̯ | lángui | *ˌtakāu̯ | *tȍku; *gȍju | gradu; konju |
| instr | *-o/eh₁ / *-oeh₁ ? | *-ō̰ | lángu | *taˈkā | *tȍko||ŭmĭ; *gȍje||ĭmĭ | gradomĭ; konjemĭ |
| loc | *-oi̯ | *-ai̯ | langè | *ˌtakai̯ | *tȍk||cě; *gȍji | gradě; konji |
| voc. | *-e | *-e | lánge | *ˌtake | *tȍče; *gȍju | grade; konju |
| dual | ||||||
| nom–acc.m | *-oh₁ ? | *-ō̰ | lángu | *ˌtakā | *tȍka; *gȍja | grada; konja |
| nom–acc.n | *-oi̯h₁ | *-ai̯ | – | *ˌsutai̯ | *sŭ̏tě; *pȍlji | sŭtě; polji |
| gen | *-oHoHs | *‑āu̯ | – | *takāu̯ | *toku; *goju | gradu; konju |
| loc | *-oHou̯ | |||||
| dat–abl–instr | *-obʰi̯ah₂ | *-amā̰ | dat langám; instr langam̃ |
*takamā | *tokoma; *gojema | gradoma; konjema |
| plural | ||||||
| nom.m | pron. *-oi̯ (subst. *-oes) | *-ai̯ | langaĩ | *ˌtakəi̯ | *tȍk||ci; *gȍji | gradi; konji |
| nom–acc.n | *-ah₂ | *-ā̰ | keturiólika (num.) | *sutˈā | *sŭtà; *poljà | města; polja |
| acc.m | *-ōms | *-ōns | lángus | *ˌtakə̄n | *tȍky||ě; *gȍję||ě | grady; konję |
| gen | *‑o(H)om | *-ōm | langų̃ | *taˈku | *tòkŭ; *gòjĭ | gradŭ; konjĭ |
| dat–abl | *-obʰi̯os | *-amas | langáms | *takaˈmə | *tokòmŭ; *gojèmŭ | gradomŭ; konjemŭ |
| instr | *-ōi̯s | *-ōi̯š | langaĩs | *taˈkū | *tokỳ; *gojì | grady; konji |
| loc | *-oi̯su | *-ai̯šu | languosè | *takai̯ˈxu | *tok||cé̌xŭ; *gojíxŭ | graděxŭ; konjixŭ |
5.7. Personal pronouns
| PIE | PBS | Lith. | PS | CS | OCS | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| nom | *h₁ég̑ | *ˈeś, *ˈḛ̄źam | àš, dial. eš | *ˈēzu | *ja̋zŭ; *já | azŭ |
| acc | *mé; encl. *me | *mēm | manè | *mēn | *mę | mę, mene |
| gen–abl | *méne | *mene | manę̃s | *ˌmene | *mȅne | mene |
| dat ton. | *még̑ʰi | *me/uni | mán | *muˈnāi̯ | *mŭně̀ | mĭně |
| gen–dat encl. | *me/oi̯ | dat *mei̯ | OLith. ‑mi | *mei̯ | *mi | mi |
| instr | – | – | manimì, manim̃ | *muˈnai̯ān / *munai̯ˈān | *mŭnòjǫ /*mŭnojǫ̀ | mŭnojǫ |
| loc | – | – | manyje, manỹ(j) | *muˈnāi̯ | *mŭně̀ | mĭně |
| PIE | PBS | Lith. | PS | CS | OCS | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| nom | *túH | *ˈtṵ̄, *ˈtu | tù | *ˌtū | *ty̑ | ty |
| acc | *tu̯é; encl. *te | *tēm | tavè | *tēn | *tę | tę, tebe |
| gen–abl | *téu̯e | *tau̯e | tavę̃s | *ˌtebe | *tȅbe | tebe |
| dat ton. | *tébʰi | *tebi | táu | *te/aˈbāi̯ | *te/obě̀ | tebě |
| gen–dat encl. | *te/oi̯ | dat *tei̯ | OLith. -ti | *tei̯ | *ti | ti |
| instr | – | – | tavimì, tavim̃ | *taˈbai̯ān / *tabai̯ˈān | *tobòjǫ / *tobojǫ̀ | tobojǫ |
| loc | – | – | tavyjè, tavỹ(j) | *te/aˈbāi̯ | *te/obě̀̀ | tebě |
| PIE | PBS | Lith. | PS | CS | OCS | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| nom | *u̯éh₁ | *u̯ḛ̄, *u̯e | m mùdu, f mùdvi | *u̯ē | *vě | vě |
| acc ton. | *n̥h₃u̯é | *nō̰ | acc–dat encl. *nā | *na | acc na, ny | |
| obl encl. | *noh₃ | |||||
| gen | – | – | mùdviejų | *ˈnāi̯āu̯ | *na̋ju | naju |
| dat–abl–instr | – | – | mùdviem | *ˈnāmā | *na̋ma | nama |
| loc | – | – | mùdviese | *ˈnāi̯āu̯ | *na̋ju | naju |
| PIE | PBS | Lith. | PS | CS | OCS | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| nom | *i̯úH | *i̯ṵ̄, *i̯u ? | m jùdu, f jùdvi | *u̯ū | *vy | vy, va |
| acc ton. | *uh₃u̯é | *u̯ō̰ | acc–dat encl. *u̯ā | *va | acc va, vy | |
| obl encl. | *u̯oh₃ | |||||
| gen | – | – | jùdviejų | *ˈu̯āi̯āu̯ | *va̋ju | vaju |
| dat–abl–instr | – | – | jùdviem | *ˈu̯āmā | *va̋ma | vama |
| loc | – | – | jùdviese | *ˈu̯āi̯āu̯ | *va̋ju | vaju |
| PIE | PBS | Lith. | PS | CS | OCS | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| nom | *u̯éi̯ | *ˈmei̯ ? | mẽs | *ˌmū | *my̑ | my |
| acc ton. | *n̥smé | |||||
| obl encl. | *nō̆s | *nōs | mùs | acc–dat encl. *nə̄ | *ny | ny |
| gen | – | – | mū́sų, mū́s | *ˈnāsu | *na̋sŭ | nasŭ |
| dat–abl | – | – | mùms | *ˈnāmə | *na̋mŭ | namŭ |
| instr | – | – | mumìs, mum̃s | *ˈnāmī | *na̋mi | nami |
| loc | – | – | mumysę | *ˈnāsu | *na̋su | nasŭ |
| PIE | PBS | Lith. | PS | CS | OCS | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| nom | *i̯úHs | *ˈi̯ṵ̄š | jū̃s | *ˌu̯ū | *vy̑ | vy |
| acc ton. | *usmé | *u̯ōs | jùs | *u̯ə̄ (acc–dat encl.) | *vy | vy |
| obl encl. | *u̯ō̆s | |||||
| gen | – | – | jū́sų, jū́s | *ˈu̯āsu | *va̋sŭ | vasŭ |
| dat–abl | – | – | jùms | *ˈu̯āmə | *va̋mŭ | vamŭ |
| instr | – | – | jumìs, jum̃s | *ˈu̯āmī | *va̋mi | vami |
| loc | – | – | jumysę | *ˈu̯āsu | *va̋su | vasŭ |
5.8. Adjectives
5.8.1. Stem-formation
In OCS, adjectives are inflected as (i̯)o-stems in the masculine and neuter and as (i̯)ah₂-stems in the feminine. In the present and preterite participle active, comparatives and in the number ‘four’ there are traces of consonant-stem declension (Vaillant 1958: 495).
Certain forms are indeclinable but behave syntactically like adjectives.
- OCS svobodĭ ‘free’ and različĭ ‘different’
They are often considered to be direct reflexes of i-stem adjectives but perhaps are instead adverbs formed on the basis of the neuter accusative singular of i-stem adjectives (Majer 2018).
While u-stem adjectives are common in Baltic, in Slavic they have been extended with a suffix *-ko-.
- OCS sladŭkŭ ‘sweet’; cf. Lith. u-stem saldùs (ap. 3) ‘sweet’ (Vaillant 1958: 530–535)
Comparatives to original u-stems do not display the *-ko- extension.
- cpv. nom–acc.sg.n CS *sőld’e > OCS slažde
Comparatives are generally built on the basis of PIE *-i̯es-/*-i̯os-/*-is-, in Slavic changed to *-i̯is-.
- CS nom.sg.m *bolʲĭjĭ (always definite form) ‘bigger’, nom–acc.sg.n *bolʲe, nom.sg.f *bolʲĭši, obl *bolʲĭšĭ-; cf. Lat. maiōr, n maius, adv. magis < PIE *‑i̯ōs, *‑i̯os, *-is
Most comparatives are extended with -ě-, which possibly goes back to a Balto-Slavic adverbial formation in *-ē, which has otherwise disappeared in Slavic; but it is not unambiguous (Vaillant 1958: 569).
- CS *novějĭ (always definite form) ‘newer’, nom–acc.sg.n *nověje, nom.sg.f *novějĭši, obl *novějĭš-
Superlatives are not found as an inflectional category in Common Slavic. An absolute superlative (elative; ‘super-new, entirely new’) is formed from a comparative with the Common Slavic prefix *per-.
- OCS prěvelikŭ ‘very big’
- OCS prěsvętŭ ‘very holy’
To express a relative superlative (‘newest’) the comparative form is used.
- OCS vĭsěxŭ mĭnʲijĭ ‘smallest of all’
- OCS bezakonĭnějĭ sy ‘being the most criminal’
Occasionally and almost only in adverbial use, such forms may be reinforced with the prefix CS *najĭ-.
- OCS adv. najĭvęšte ‘the most’
- OCS adv. najĭskorěje ‘fastest’
5.8.2. Short and long forms of the adjectives
Common Slavic adjectives have a short and a long form. The short forms are declined as substantival (i̯)o-/(i̯)ah₂-stems.
- OCS nom.sg.m novŭ, f nova, n novo < PS *naˈu̯ə, *naˈu̯ā, *naˈu̯a ‘new’ (a.p. b)
The long form, which shows definiteness, originally consisted of the short form plus the PS pronoun *i̯a-.
- OCS nom.sg.m novyi, f novaja, n novoe < PS *naˈu̯ə + *i̯ə, *naˈu̯ā + *i̯ā , *naˈu̯a + *i̯a
Over the course of the Common Slavic period the adjective and pronoun fused, leading to a new adjective paradigm that cannot be synchronically derived from the individual elements, e.g. CS gen.sg.f *novy-jeję > novyję.